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The force at the core leading our cause forward is the Chinese Communist Party.
The theoretical basis guiding our thinking is Marxism-Leninism.
Opening address at the First Session of the First National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China (September 15, 1954).
If
there is to be revolution, there must be a revolutionary party. Without a revolutionary
party, without a party built on the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary theory and
in the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary style, it is impossible to lead the working
class and the broad masses of the people in defeating imperialism and its running
dogs.
"Revolutionary Forces of the World Unite, Fight Against Imperialist Aggression!" (November 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 284.*
Without
the efforts of the Chinese Communist Party, without the Chinese Communists as
the mainstay of the Chinese people, China can never achieve independence and
liberation, or industrialization and the modernization of her agriculture.
"On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 318.*
The
Chinese Communist Party is the core of leadership of the whole Chinese people.
Without this core, the cause of socialism cannot be victorious.
Talk at the general reception for the delegates to the Third National Congress of the New Democratic Youth League of China (May 25, 1957).
A
well-disciplined Party armed with the theory of Marxism-Leninism, using the
method of self-criticism and linked with the masses of the people; an army under
the leadership of such a Party; a united front of all revolutionary classes
and all revolutionary groups under the leadership of such a Party - these are
the three main weapons with which we have defeated the enemy.
"On the People's Democratic Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 422.
We
must have faith in the masses and we must have faith in the Party. These are
two cardinal principles. If we doubt these principles, we shall accomplish nothing.
On the Question of Agricultural Co-operation (.July 31, 1955), 3rd ed., p. 7.*
Armed
with Marxist-Leninist theory and ideology, the Communist Party of China has
brought a new style of work to the Chinese people, a style of work which essentially
entails integrating theory with practice, forging close links with the masses
and practising self-criticism.
"On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 314.*
No
political party can possibly lead a great revolutionary movement to victory
unless it possesses revolutionary theory and a knowledge of history and has
a profound grasp of the practical movement.
"The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War" (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 208.
As
we used to say, the rectification movement is "a widespread movement of Marxist
education". Rectification means the whole Party studying Marxism through criticism
and self-criticism. We can certainly learn more about Marxism in the course
of the rectification movement.
Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work (March 12, l957), 1st pocket ed., p. 14.
It
is an arduous task to ensure a better life for the several hundred million people
of China and to build our economically and culturally backward country into
a prosperous and powerful one with a high level of culture. And it is precisely
in order to be able to shoulder this task more competently and work better together
with all non-Party people who are actuated by high ideals and determined to
institute reforms that we must conduct rectification movements both now and
in the future, and constantly rid ourselves of whatever is wrong.
Ibid., pp. 15-16.*
Policy
is the starting-point of all the practical actions of a revolutionary party
and manifests itself in the process and the end-result of that party's actions.
A revolutionary party is carrying out a policy whenever it takes any action.
If it is not carrying out a correct policy, it is carrying out a wrong policy;
if it is not carrying out a given policy consciously, it is doing so blindly.
What we call experience is the process and the end-result of carrying out a
policy. Only through the practice of the people, that is, through experience,
can we verify whether a policy is correct or wrong and determine to what extent
it is correct or wrong. But people's practice, especially the practice of a
revolutionary party and the revolutionary masses, cannot but be bound up with
one policy or another. Therefore, before any action is taken, we must explain
the policy, which we have formulated in the light of the given circumstances,
to Party members and to the masses. Otherwise, Party members and the masses
will depart from the guidance of our policy, act blindly and carry out a wrong
policy.
"On the Policy Concerning Industry and Commerce" (February 27, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV. pp. 204-05.*
Our
Party has laid down the general line and general policy of the Chinese revolution
as well as various specific lines for work and specific policies. However, while
many comrades remember our Party's specific lines for work and specific policies,
they often forget its general line and general policy. If we actually forget
the Party's general line and general policy, then we shall be blind, half-baked,
muddle-headed revolutionaries, and when we carry out a specific line for work
and a specific policy, we shall lose our bearings and vacillate now to the left
and now to the right, and the work will suffer.
"Speech at a Conference of Cadres in the Shansi-Suiyuan Liberated Area" (April 1, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 238.*
Policy
and tactics are the life of the Party; leading comrades at all levels must give
them full attention and must never on any account be negligent.
"A Circular on the Situation" (March 20, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 220.
Classes struggle, some classes triumph, others are eliminated. Such is history, such is tlhe history of civilization for thousands of years. To interpret history from this viewpoint is historical materialism; standing in opposition to this viewpoint is historical idealism.
"Cast Away Illusions, Prepare for Struggle" (August 14, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 428.
In
class society everyone lives as a member of a particular class, and every kind
of thinking, without exception, is stamped with the brand of a class.
"On Practice" (July 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 296.
Changes
in society are due chiefly to the development of the internal contradictions
in society, that is, the contradiction between the productive forces and the
relations of production, the contradiction between classes and the contradiction
between the old and the new; it is the development of these contradictions that
pushes society forward and gives the impetu6 for the supersession of the old
society by the new.
"On Contradiction" (August 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, P. 314.
The
ruthless economic exploitation and political oppression of the peasants by the
landlord class forced them into numerous uprisings against its rule.... It was
the class struggles of the peasants, the peasant uprisings and peasant wars
that constituted the real motive force of historical development in Chinese
feudal society.
"The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party" (December 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 308.*
In
the final analysis, national struggle is a matter of class struggle. Among the
whites in the United States it is only the reactionary ruling circles who oppress
the black people. They can in no way represent the workers, farmers, revolutionary
intellectuals and other enlightened persons who comprise the overwhelming majority
of the white people.
"Statement Supporting the American Negroes in Their Just Struggle Against Racial Discrimination by U.S. Imperialism" (August 8, 1963), People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., pp. 3-4.*
It
is up to us to organize the people. As for the reactionaries in China, it is
up to us to organize the people to overthrow them. Everything reactionary is
the same; if you don't hit it, it won't fall. This is also like sweeping the
floor; as a rule, where the broom does not reach, the dust will not vanish of
itself.
"The Situation and Our Policy After the Victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan" (August 13, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 19.
The
enemy will not perish of himself. Neither the Chinese reactionaries nor the
aggressive forces of U.S. imperialism in China will step down from the stage
of history of their own accord.
"Carry the Revolution Through to the End" (December 30, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 301.
A
revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture,
or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate,
kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection,
an act of violence by which one class overthrows another.
"Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan" (March 1927), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 28.*
Chiang
Kai-shek always tries to wrest every ounce of power and every ounce of gain
from the people. And we? Our policy is to give him tit for tat and to fight
for every inch of land. We act after his fashion. He always tries to impose
war on the people, one sword in his left hand and another in his right. We take
up swords, too, following his example.... As Chiang Kai-shek is now sharpening
his swords, we must sharpen ours too.
"The Situation and Our Policy After the Victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan" (August 13, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, pp. 14-l5.
Who
are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance
for the revolution. The basic reason why all previous revolutionary struggles
in China achieved so little was their failure to unite with real friends in
order to attack real enemies. A revolutionary party is the guide of the masscs,
and no revolution ever succeeds when the revolutionary party leads them astray.
To ensure that we will definitely achieve success in our revolution and will
not lead the masses astray, we must pay attention to uniting with our real friends
in order to attack our real enemies. To distinguish real friends from real enemies,
we must make a general analysis of the economic status of the various classes
in Chinese society and of their respective attitudes towards the revolution.
"Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society" (March 1926), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 13.
Our
enemies are all those in league with imperialism - the warlords, the bureaucrats,
the comprador class, the big Landlord class and the teactionary section of the
intelligentsia attached to them. The leading force in our revolution is the
industrial proletariat. Our closest friends are the entire semi-proletariat
and petty bourgeoisie. As for the vacillating middle bourgeoisie, their right-wing
may become our enemy and their left-wing may become our friend - but we must
be constantly on our guard and not let them create confusion within our ranks.
Ibid., p. 19.*
Whoever
sides with the revolutionary people is a revolutionary. Whoever sides with imperialism,
feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism is a counter-revolutionary. Whoever sides
with the revolutionary people in words only but acts otherwise is a revolutionary
in speech. Whoever sides with the revolutionary people in deed as well as in
word is a revolutionary in the full sense.
Closing speech at the Second Session of the First National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (June 23, 1950).
I
hold that it is bad as far as we are concerned if a person, a political party,
an army or a school is not attacked by the enemy, for in that case it would
definitely mean that we have sunk to the level of the enemy. It is good if we
are attacked by the enemy, since it proves that we have drawn a clear line of
demarcation between the enemy and ourselves. It is still better if the enemy
attacks us wildly and paints us as utterly black and without a single virtue;
it demonstrates that we have not only drawn a clear line of demarcation between
the enemy and ourselves but achieved a great deal in our work.
To Be Attacked by the Enemy Is Not a Bad Thing but a Good Thing (May 26, 1939), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.*
We
should support whatever the enemy opposes and oppose whatever the enemy supports.
"Interview with Three Correspondents from the Central News Agency, the Sao Tang Pao and the Hsin Min Pao" (September 16, 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 272.
Our
stand is that of the proletariat and of the masses. For members of the Communist
Party, this means keeping to the stand of the Party, keeping to Party spirit
and Party policy.
"Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art" (May 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 70.
After
the enemies with guns have been wiped out, there will still be enemies without
guns; they are bound to struggle desperately against us, and we must never regard
these enemies lightly. If we do nor now raise and understand the problem in
this way, we shall commit the gravest mistakes.
"Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" (March 5, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 364.
The
imperialists and domestic reactionaries will certainly not take their defeat
Iying down and they will struggle to the last ditch. After there is peace and
otder throughout the country, they will still engage in sabotage and create
disturbances in various ways and will try every day and every minute to stage
a come-back. This is inevitable and beyond all doubt, and under no circumstances
must we relax our vigilance.
Opening address at the Pirst Plenary Session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (September 21. 1949).
In
China, although in the main socialist transformation has been completed with
respect to the system of ownership, and although the large-scale and turbulent
class struggles of the masses characteristic of the previous revolutionary periods
have in the main come to an end, there are still remnants of the overthrown
landlord and comprador classes, there is still a bourgeoisie, and the remoulding
of the petty bourgeoisie has only just started. The class struggle is by no
means over. The class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie,
the class struggle between the different political forces, and the class struggle
in the ideological held between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie will continue
to be long and tortuous and at times will even become very acute. The proletariat
seeks to transform the world according to its own world outlook, and so does
the bourgeoisie. In this respect, the question of which will win out, socialism
or capitalism, is still not really settled.
On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 51-52.
It
will take a fairly long period of time to decide the issue in the ideological
struggle between socialism and capitalism in our country. The reason is that
the influence of the bourgeoisie and of the intellectuals who come from the
old society will remain in our country for a long time to come, and so will
their class ideology. If this is not sufficiently understood, or is not understood
at all, the gravest mistakes will be made and the necessity of waging the struggle
in the ideological field will be ignored.
Ibid., pp. 52-53.
In
our country bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology, anti-Marxist ideology, will
continue to exist for a long time. Basically, the socialist system has been
established in our country. We have won the basic victory in transforming the
ownership of the means of production, but we have not yet won complete victory
on the political and ideological fronts. In the ideological field, the question
of who will win in the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie
has not been really settled yet. We still have to wage a protracted struggle
against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology. It is wrong not to understand
this and to give up ideological struggle. All erroneous ideas, all poisonous
weeds, all ghosts and monsters, must be subjected to criticism; in no circumstance
should they be allowed to spread unchecked. However, the criticism should be
fully reasoned, analytical and convincing, and not rough, bureaucratic, metaphysical
or dogmatic.
Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work (March 12, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 26-27.*
Both
dogmatism and revisionism run counter to Marxism. Marxism must certainly advance;
it must develop along with the development of practice and cannot stand still.
It would become lifeless if it remained stagnant and stereotyped. However, the
basic principles of Marxism must never be violated, or otherwise mistakes will
be made. It is dogmatism to approach Marxism from a metaphysical point of view
and to regard it as something rigid. It is revisionism to negate the basic principles
of Marxism and to negate its universal truth. Revisionism is one form of bourgeois
ideology. The revisionists deny the differences between socialism and capitalism,
between the dictatorship of the proletariat and the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
What they advocate is in fact not the socialist line but the capitalist line.
In present circumstances, revisionism is more pernicious than dogmatism. One
of our current important tasks on the ideological front is to unfold criticism
of revisionism.
Ibid., pp. 27-28.
Revisionism,
or Right opportunism, is a bourgeois trend of thought that is even more dangerous
than dogmatism. The revisionists, the Right opportunists, pay lipservice to
Marxism; they too attack "dogmatism". But what they are really attacking is
the quintessence of Marxism. They oppose or distort materialism and dialectics,
oppose or try to weaken the people's democratic dictatorship and the leading
role of the Communist Party, and oppose or try to weaken socialist transformation
and socialist construction. After the basic victory of the socialist revolution
in our country, there are still a number of people who vainly hope to restore
the capitalist system and fight the working class on every front, including
the ideological one. And their right-hand men in this struggle are the revisionists.
On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 56-57.
Communism is at once a complete system of proletarian ideology and a new social system. It is different from any other ideological and social system, and is the most complete, progressive, revolutionary and rational system in human history. The ideological and social system of feudalism has a place only in the museum of history. The ideological and social system of capitalism has also become a museum piece in one part of the world (in the Soviet Union), while in other countries it resembles "a dying person who is sinking fast, like the sun setting beyond the western hills", and will soon be relegated to the museum. The communist ideological and social system alone is full of youth and vitality, sweeping the world with the momentum of an avalanche and the force of a thunderbolt.
"On New Democracy" (January 1940), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 360-61.*
The
socialist system will eventually replace the capitalist system; this is an objective
law independent of man's will. However much the reactionaries try to hold back
the wheel of history, sooner or later revolution will take place and will inevitably
triumph.
"Speech at the Meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. in Celebration of the 40th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution" (November 6, 1957).
We
Communists never conceal our political views. Definitely and beyond all doubt,
our future or maximum programme is to carry China forward to socialism and communism.
Both the name of our Party and our Marxist world outlook unequivocally point
to this supreme ideal of the future, a future of incomparable brightness and
splendour.
"On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 282.*
Taken
as a whole, the Chinese revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party embraces
the two stages, i.e., the democratic and the socialist revolutions, which are
two essentially different revolutionary processes, and the second process can
be carried through only after the first has been completed. The democratic revolution
is the necessary preparation for the socialist revolution, and the socialist
revolution is the inevitable sequel to the democratic revolution. The ultimate
aim for which all communists strive is to bring about a socialist and communist
society.
"The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party" (December 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 330-31.*
Socialist
revolution aims at liberating the productive forces. The change-over from individual
to socialist, collective ownership in agriculture and handicrafts and from capitalist
to socialist ownership in private industry and commerce is bound to bring about
a tremendous liberation of the productive forces. Thus the social conditions
are being created for a tremendous expansion of industrial and agricultural
production.
Speech at the Supreme State Conference (January 25, 1956).
We
are now carrying out a revolution not only in the social system, the change
from private to public ownership, but also in technology, the change from handicraft
to large-scale modern machine production, and the two revolutions are interconnected.
In agriculture, with conditions as they are in our country co-operation must
precede the use of big machinery (in capitalist countries agriculture develops
in a capitalist way). Therefore we must on no account regard industry and agriculture,
socialist industrialization and the socialist transformation of agriculture
as two separate and isolated things, and on no account must we emphasize the
one and play down the other.
On the Question of Agricultural Co-operation (July 51, 1955), 3rd ed., pp. 19-20.
The
new social system has only just been established and requires time for its consolidation.
It must not be assumed that the new system can be completely consolidated the
moment it is established, for that is impossible. It has to be consolidated
step by step. To achieve its ultimate consolidation, it is necessary not only
to bring about the socialist industrialisation of the country and persevere
in the socialist revolution on the economic front, but to carry on constant
and arduous socialist revolutionary struggles and socialist education on the
political and ideological fronts. Moreover, various contributory international
factors are required.
Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Propaganda Work (March 12, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.*
In
China the struggle to consolidate the socialist system, the struggle to decide
whether socialism or capitalism will prevail, will still take a long historical
period. But we should all realise that the new system of socialism will unquestionably
be consolidated. We can assuredly build a socialist state with modern industry,
modern agriculture, and modern science and culture.
Ibid., pp. 2-3.
The
number of intellectuals who are hostile to our state is very small. They do
not like our state, i.e., the dictatorship of the proletariat, and yearn for
the old society. Whenever there is an opportunity they will stir up trouble
and attempt to overthrow the Communist Party and restore the old China. As between
the proletarian and the bourgeois roads, as between the socialist and the capitalist
roads, these people stubbornly choose to follow the latter. In fact this road
is impossible, and in fact, therefore, they are ready to capitulate to imperialism,
feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism. Such people are to be found in political
circles and in industrial and commercial, cultural and educational, scientific
and technological and religious circles, and they are extremely reactionary.
Ibid., pp. 3-4.
The
serious problem is the education of the peasantry. The peasant economy is scattered,
and the socialization of agriculture, judging by the Soviet Union's experience,
will require a long time and painstaking work. Without socialization of agriculture,
there can be no complete, consolidated socialism.
"On the People's Democratic Dictatorship" June 30, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 419.
We
must have faith, first, that the peasant masses are ready to advance step by
step along the road of socialism under the leadership of the Party, and second,
that the Party is capable of leading the peasants along this road. These two
points are the essence of the matter, the main current.
On the Question of Agricultural Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd ed., p. 18.*
The
leading bodies in co-operatives must establish the dominant position of the
poor peasants and the new lower middle peasants in these bodies, with the old
lower middle peasants and the upper middle peasants - whether old or new - as
the supplementary force. Only thus can uniq between the poor and middle peasants
be attained, the co-operatives be consolidated, production be expanded and the
socialist transformation of the entire countryside be correctly accomplished
in accordance with the Party's policy. Otherwise, unity between the middle and
poor peasants cannot be attained, the co-operatives cannot be consolidated,
production cannot be expanded, and the socialist transformation of the entire
countryside cannot be achieved.
Introductory note to "How Control of the Wutang Co-operative Shifted from the Middle to the Poor Peasants" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. II.
It
is essential to unite with the middle peasants, and it is wrong not to do so.
But on whom must the working class and the Communist Party rely in the countryside
in order to unite with the middle peasants and realize the socialist transformation
of the entire countryside? Surely on none other than the poor peasants. That
was the case when the struggle against the landlords was being waged and the
land reform was being carried out, and that is the case today when the struggle
against the rich peasants and other capitalist elements is being waged to achieve
the socialist transformation of agriculture. In both these revolutionary periods,
the middle peasants wavered in the initial stages. It is only after they clearly
see the general trend of events and the approaching triumph of the revolution
that the middle peasants will come in on the side of the revolution. The poor
peasants must work on the middle peasants and win them over, so that the revolution
will broaden from day to day until final victory.
Introductory note to "The Lesson of the 'Middle-Peasant Cooperative' and the 'Poor-Peasant Co-operative' in Fuan County" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. II.
There
is a serious tendency towards capitalism among the well-to-do peasants. This
tendency will become rampant if we in the slightest way neglect political work
among the peasants during the co-operative movement and for a very long period
after.
Introductory note to "A Resolute Struggle Must Be Waged Against the Tendency Towards Capitalism" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. I.
The
agricultural co-operative movement has been a severe ideological and political
struggle from the very beginning. No cooperative can be established without
going through such a struggle. Before a brand-new social system can be built
on the site of the old, the site must be swept clean. Invariably, remnants of
old ideas reflecting the old system remain in people's minds for a long time,
and they do not easily give way. After a co-operative is established, it must
go through many more struggles before it can be consolidated. Even then, the
moment it relaxes its efforts it may collapse.
Introductory note to "A Serious Lesson" (1955), The Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. I.
The
spontaneous forces of capitalism have been steadily growing in the countryside
in recent years, with new rich peasants springing up everywhere and many well-to-do
middle peasants striving to become rich peasants. On the other hand, many poor
peasants are still living in poverty for lack of sufficient means of production,
with some in debt and others selling or renting out their land. If this tendency
goes unchecked, the polarization in the countryside will inevitably be aggravated
day by day. Those peasants who lose their land and those who remain in poverty
will complain that we are doing nothing to save them from ruin or to help them
overcome their difficulties. Nor will the well-to-do middle peasants who are
heading in the capitalist direction be pleased with us, for we shall never be
able to satisfy their demands unless we intend to take the capitalist road.
Can the worker-peasant alliance continue to stand hrm in these circumstances
? Obviously not. There is no solution to this problem except on a new basis.
And that means to bring about, step by step, the socialist transformation of
the whole of agriculture simultaneously with the gradual realization of socialist
industrialization and the socialist transformation of handicrafts and capitalist
industry and commerce; in other words, it means to carry out co-operation and
eliminate the rich-peasant economy and the individual economy in the countryside
so that all the rural people will become increasingly well off together. We
maintain that this is the only way to consolidate the worker-peasant alliance.
On the Question of Agricultural Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd ed., pp. 26-27.*
By
over-all planning we mean planning which takes into consideration the interests
of the 600 million people of our country. In drawing up plans, handling affairs
or thinking over problems, we must proceed from the fact that China has a population
of 600 million people, and we must never forget this fact.
On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed. p. 47.
In
addition to the leadership of the Party, a decisive factor is our population
of 600 million. More people mean a greater ferment of ideas, more enthusiasm
and more energy. Never before have the masses of the people been so inspired,
so militant and so daring as at present.
"Introducing a Co-operative" (April 15, 1958).
Apart
from their other characteristics, the outstanding thing about China's 600 million
people is that they are "poor and blank". This may seem a bad thing, but in
reality it is a good thing. Poverty gives rise to the desire for change, the
desire for action and the desire for revolution. On a blank sheet of paper free
from any mark, the freshest and most beautiful characters can be written, the
freshest and most beautiful pictures can be painted.
Ibid.
After
the country-wide victory of the Chinese revolution and the solution of the land
problem, two basic contradictions will still exist in China. The first is internal,
that is, the contradiction between the working class and the bourgeoisie. The
second is external, that is, the contradiction between China and the imperialist
countries. Consequently, after the victory of the people's democratic revolution,
the state power of the people's republic under the leadership of the working
class must not be weakened but must be strengthened.
"Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" (March 5, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 369.
"Don't
you want to abolish state power?" Yes, we do, but not right now; we cannot do
it yet. Why? Because imperialism still exists, because domestic reaction still
exists, because classes still exist in our country. Our present task is to strengthen
the people's state apparatus - mainly the people's army, the people's police
and the people's courts - in order to consolidate national defence and protect
the people's interests.
"On the People's Democratic Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 418.
Our
state is a people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based
on the worker-peasant alliance. What is this dictatorship for? Its first function
is to suppress the reactionary classes and elements and those exploiters in
our country who resist the socialist revolution, to suppress those who try to
wreck our socialist construction, or in other words, to resolve the internal
contradictions between ourselves and the enemy. For instance, to arrest, try
and sentence certain counterrevolutionaries, and to deprive landlords and bureaucrat-capitalists
of their right to vote and their freedom of speech for a specified period of
time - all this comes within the scope of our dictatorship. To maintain public
order and safeguard the interests of the people, it is likewise necessary to
exercise dictatorship over embezzlers, swindlers, arsonists, murderers, criminal
gangs and other scoundrels who seriously disrupt public order. The second function
of this dictatorship is to protect our country from subversion and possible
aggression by external enemies. In that event, it is the task of this dictatorship
to resolve the external contradiction between ourselves and the enemy. The aim
of this dictatorship is to protect all our people so that they can devote themselves
to peaceful labour and build China into a socialist country with a modern industry,
agriculture, science and culture.
On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 6-7.
The
people's democratic dictatorship needs the leadership of the working class.
For it is only the working class that is most far-sighted, most selfless and
most thoroughly revolutionary. The entire history of revolution proves that
without the leadership of the working class revolution fails and that with the
leadership of the working class revolution triumphs.
"On the People's Democratic Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 421.
The
people's democratic dictatorship is based on the alliance of the working class,
the peasantry and the urban petty bourgeoisie, and mainly on the alliance of
the workers and the peasants, because these two classes comprise 80 to go per
cent of China's population. These two classes are the main force in overthrowing
imperialism and the Kuomintang reactionaries. The transition from New Democracy
to socialism also depends mainly upon their alliance.
Ibid.
Class
struggle, the struggle for production and scientific experiment are the three
great revolutionary movements for building a mighty socialist country. These
movements are a sure guarantee that Communists will be free from bureaucracy
and immune against revisionism and dogmatism, and will for ever remain invincible.
They are a reliable guarantee that the proletariat will be able to unite with
the broad working masses and realize a democratic dictatorship. If, in the absence
of these movements, the landlords, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries, bad
elements and monsters were all allowed to crawl out, while our cadres were to
shut their eyes to all this and in many cases fail even to differentiate between
the enemy and ourselves but were to collaborate with the enemy and were corrupted,
divided and demoralized by him, if our cadres were thus pulled out or the enemy
were able to sneak in, and if many of our workers, peasants, and intellectuals
were left defenceless against both the soft and the hard tactics of the enemy,
then it would not take long, perhaps only several years or a decade, or several
decades at most, before a counterrevolutionary restoration on a national scale
inevitably occurred, the Marxist-Leninist party would undoubtedly become a revisionist
party or a fascist party, and the hole of China would change its colour.
Note on "The Seven Well-Written Documents of Chekiang Province Concerning Cadres' Participation in Physical Labour" (May 9, 1963), quoted in On Khrushchov's Phoney Communism and Its Historical Lessons for the World, pp. 7l-72.*
The
people's democratic dictatorship uses two methods. Towards the enemy, it uses
the method of dictatorship, that is, for as long a period of time as is necessary
it does not let them take part in political activities and compels them to obey
the law of the People's Government and to engage in labour and, through labour,
transform themselves into new men. Towards the people, on the contrary, it uses
the method not of compulsion but of democracy, that is, it must necessarily
let them take part in political activities and does not compel them to do this
or that, but uses the method of democracy in educating and persuading them.
Closing speech at the Second Session of the First National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (June 23, 1950).
Under
the leadership of the Communist Party, the Chinese people are carrying out a
vigorous rectification movement in order to bring about the rapid development
of socialism in China on a firmer basis. It is a movement for carrying out a
nation-wide debate which is both guided and free, a debate in the city and the
countryside on such questions as the socialist road versus the capitalist road,
the basic system of the state and its major policies, the working style of Party
and government functionaries, and the question of the welfare of the people,
a debate which is conducted by setting forth facts and reasoning things out,
so as correctly to resolve those actual contradictions among the people which
demand immediate solution. This is a socialist movement for the self-education
and selfremoulding of the people.
"Speech at the Meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. in Celebration of the 40th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution" (November 6, 1957)
Most
arduous tasks lie ahead of us in the great work of construction. Although there
are over I0 million members in our Party, they still constitute a very small
minority of the country's population. In government departments and public organizations
and enterprises much work has to be done by non-Party people. It is impossible
to get this work well done unless we are good at relying on the masses and co-operating
with non-Party people. While continuing to strengthen the unity of the whole
Party, we must also continue to strengthen the unity of all our nationalities,
democratic classes, democratic parties and people's organizations, and to consolidate
and expand the people's democratic united front, and we must conscientiously
get rid of every unhealthy manifestation in any link in our work that is detrimental
to the unity between the Party and the people.
"Opening Address at the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China" (September 15, 1956).
4. THE CORRECT HANDLING OF CONTRADICTIONS AMONG THE PEOPLE
We are confronted by two types of social contradictions - those between ourselves and the enemy and those among the people themselves. The two are totally different in their nature.
On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.. p. 2.
To
understand these two different types of contradictions correctly, we must hrst
be clear on what is meant by "the people" and what is meant by "the enemy".
. . At the present stage, the period of building socialism, the classes, strata
and social groups which favour, support and work for the cause of socialist
construction all come within the category of the people, while the social forces
and groups which resist the socialist revolution and are hostile to or sabotage
socialist construction are all enemies of the people.
Ibid., pp. 2-3.
In
the conditions prevailing in China today, the contradictions among the people
comprise the contradictions within the working class, the contradictions within
the peasantry, the contradictions within the intelligentsia, the contradictions
between the working class and the peasantry, the contradictions between the
workers and peasants on the one hand and the intellectuals on the other, the
contradictions between the working class and other sections of the working people
on the one hand and the national bourgeoisie on the other, the contradictions
within the national bourgeoisie, and so on. Our People's Government is one that
genuinely represents the people's interests, it is a government that serves
the people. Nevertheless, there are still certain contradictions between the
government and the people. These include contradictions among the interests
of the state, the interests of the collective and the interests of the individual;
between democracy and centralism; between the leadership and the led; and the
contradiction arising from the bureaucratic style of work of certain government
workers in their relations with the masses. All these are also contradictions
among the people. Generally speaking, the people's basic identity of interests
underlies the contradictions among the people.
Ibid., pp. 3-4.
The
contradictions between ourselves and the enemy are antagonistic contradictions.
Within the ranks of the people, the contradictions among the working people
are non-antagonistic, while those between the exploited and the exploiting classes
have a non-antagonistic aspect in addition to an antagonistic aspect.
Ibid., p. 3.
In
the political life of our people, how should right be distinguished from wrong
in one's words and actions? On the basis of the principles of our Constitution,
the will of the overwhelming majority of our people and the common political
positions which have been proclaimed on various occasions by our political parties
and groups, we consider that, broadly speaking, the criteria should be as follows:
(1) Words and actions should help to unite, and not divide, the people of our various nationalities.
(2) They should be beneficial, and not harmful, to socialist transformation and socialist construction.
(3) They should help to consolidate, and not undermine or weaken, the people's democratic dictatorship.
(4) They should help to consolidate, and not undermine or weaken, democratic centralism.
(5) They should help to strengthen, and not discard or weaken, the leadership of the Communist Party.
(6) They should be beneficial, and not harmful, to international socialist unity and the unity of the peace-loving people of the world.
Of these six criteria, the most important are the socialist path and the leadership of the Party.
Ibid., pp. 57-58.
The
question of suppressing counterrevolutionaries is one of a struggle between
ourselves and the enemy, a contradiction between ourselves and the enemy. Among
the people, there are some who see this question in a somewhat different light.
Two kinds of persons hold views different from ours. Those with a Rightist way
of thinking make no distinction between ourselves and the enemy and take the
enemy for our own people. They regard as friends the very persons whom the broad
masses regard as enemies. Those with a "Left" way of thinking magnify contradictions
between ourselves and the enemy to such an extent that they take certain contradictions
among the people for contradictions with the enemy and regard as counter-revolutionariei
persons who are actually not counter-revolutionaries. Both these views are wrong.
Neither can lead to the correct handling of the question of suppressing counter-revolutionaries
or to a correct assessment of this work.
Ibid., p. 25.
Qualitatively
different contradictions can only be resolved by qualitatively different methods.
For instance, the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie
is resolved by the method of socialist revolution; the contradiction between
the great masses of the people and the feudal system is resolved by the method
of democratic revolution; the contradiction between the colonies and imperialism
is resolved by the method of national revolutionary war; the contradiction between
the working class and the peasant class in socialist society is resolved by
the method of collectivization and mechanization in agriculture; contradiction
within the Communist Party is resolved by the method of criticism and self-criticism;
the contradiction between society and nature is resolved by the method of developing
the productive forces. . . . The principle of using different methods to resolve
different contradictions is one which Marxist-Leninists must strictly observe.
"On Contradiction" (August 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 321-22.
Since
they are different in nature, the contradictions between ourselves and the enemy
and the contradictions among the people must be resolved by different methods.
To put it briefly, the former are a matter of drawing a clear distinction between
ourselves and the enemy, and the latter a matter of drawing a clear distinction
between right and wrong. It is, of course, true that the distinction between
ourselves and the enemy is also a matter of right and wrong. For example, the
question of who is in the right, we or the domestic and foreign reactionaries,
the imperialists, the feudalists and bureaucrat-capitalists, is also a matter
of right and wrong, but it is in a different category from questions of right
and wrong among the people.
On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 5-6.
The
only way to settle questions of an ideological nature or controversial issues
among the people is by the democratic method, the method of discussion, of criticism,
of persuasion and education, and not by the method of coercion or repression.
To be able to carry on their production and studies effectively and to arrange their lives properly, the people want their government and those in charge of production and of cultural and educational organizations to issue appropriate orders of an obligatory nature. It is common sense that the maintenance of public order would be impossible without such administrative regulations. Administrative orders and the method of persuasion and education complement each other in resolving contradictions among the people. Even administrative regulations for the maintenance of public order must be accompanied by persuasion and education, for in many cases regulations alone will not work.
Ibid., pp. 11-12.
Inevitably,
the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie will give expression to their own ideologies.
Inevitably, they will stubbornly express themselves on political and ideological
questions by every possible means. You cannot expect them to do otherwise. We
should not use the method of suppression and prevent them from expressing themselves,
but should allow them to do so and at the same time argue with them and direct
appropriate criticism at them. We must undoubtedly criticize wrong ideas of
every description. It certainly would not be right to refrain from criticism,
look on while wrong ideas spread unchecked and allow them to monopolize the
field. Mistakes must be criticized and poissnous weeds fought wherever they
crop up. However, such criticism should not be dogmatic, and the metaphysical
method should not be used, but efforts should be made to apply the dialectical
method. What is needed is scientific analysis and convincing argument.
Ibid., pp. 55-56.
To
criticize the people's shortcomings is necessary, . . . but in doing so we must
truly take the stand of the people and speak out of whole-hearted eagerness
to protect and educate them. To treat comrades like enemies is to go over to
the stand of the enemy.
"Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art" (May 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 92.
Contradiction
and struggle are universal and absolute, but the methods of resolving contradictions,
that is, the forms of struggle, differ according to the differences in the nature
of the contradictions. Some contradictions are characterized by open antagonism,
others are not. In accordance with the concrete development of things, some
contradictions which were originally non-antagonistic develop into antagonistic
ones, while others which were originally antagonistic develop into non-antagonistic
ones.
"On Contradiction" (August 1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p 344.
In
ordinary circumstances, contradictions among the people are not antagonistic.
But if they are not handled properly, or if we relax our vigilance and lower
our guard, antagonism may arise. In a socialist country, a development of this
kind is usually only a localized and temporary phenomenon. The reason is that
the system of exploitation of man by man has been abolished and the interests
of the people are basically the same.
On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 14.
In
our country, the contradiction between the working class and the national bourgeoisie
belongs to the category of contradictions among the people. By and large, the
class struggle between the two is a class struggle within the ranks of the people,
because the Chinese national bourgeoisie has a dual character. In the period
of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, it had both a revolutionary and a conciliationist
side to its character. In the period of the socialist revolution, exploitation
of the working class for profit constitutes one side of the character of the
national bourgeoisie, while its support of the Constitution and its willingness
to accept socialist transformation constitute the other. The national bourgeoisie
differs from the imperialists, the landlords and the bureaucrat-capitalists.
The contradiction between the national bourgeoisie and the working class is
one between the exploiter and the exploited, and is by nature antagonistic.
But in the concrete conditions of China, this antagonistic class contradiction
can, if properly handled, be transformed into a non-antagonistic one and be
resolved by peaceful methods. However, it will change into a contradiction between
ourselves and the enemy if we do not handle it properly and do not follow the
policy of uniting with, criticizing and educating the national bourgeoisie,
or if the national bourgeoisie does not accept this policy of ours.
Ibid., p. 4-5.
It [the counter-revolutionary rebellion in Hungary in 1956] was a case of reactionaries
inside a socialist country, in league with the imperialists, attempting to achieve
their conspiratorial aims by taking advantage of contradictions among the people
to foment dissension and stir up disorder. This lesson of the
Hungarian events merits attention.
Ibid., p. 15.
War is the highest form of struggle for resolving contradictions, when they have developed to a certain stage, between classes, nations, states, or political groups, and it has existed ever since the emergence of private property and of classes.
"Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War" (December 1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 180.
"War
is the continuation of politics." In this sense war is politics and war itself
is a political action; since ancient times there has never been a war that did
not have a political character....
But war has its own particular characteristics and in this sense it cannot be equated with politics in general. "War is the continuation of politics by other . . . means." When politics develops to a certain stage beyond which it cannot proceed by the usual means, war breaks out to sweep the obstacles from the way.... When the obstacle is removed and our political aim attained the war will stop. But if the obstacle is not completely swept away, the war will have to continue till the aim is fully accomplished.... It can therefore be said that politics is war without bloodshed while war is politics with bloodshed.
"On Protracted War" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 152-53 *
History
shows that wars are divided into two kinds, just and unjust. All wars that are
progressive are just, and all wars that impede progress are unjust. We Communists
oppose all unjust wars that impede progress, but we do not oppose progressive,
just wars. Not only do we Communists not oppose just wars, we actively participate
in them. As for unjust wars, World War I is an instance in which both sides
fought for imperialist interests; therefore the Communists of the whole world
hrmly opposed that war. The way to oppose a war of this kind is to do everything
possible to prevent it before it breaks out and, once it breaks out, to oppose
war with war, to oppose unjust war with just war, whenever possible.
Ibid., p. 150.
Revolutions
and revolutionary wars are inevitable in class society, and without them it
is impossible to accomplish any leap in social development and to overthrow
the reactionary ruling classes and therefore impossible for the people to win
political power.
"On Contradiction" (August1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 344.*
Revolutionary
war is an antitoxin which not only eliminates the enemy's poison but also purges
us of our own filth. Every just, revolutionary war is endowed with tremendous
power and can transform many things or clear the way for their transformation.
The Sino-Japanese war will transform both China and Japan; provided China perseveres
in the War of Resistance and in the united front, the old Japan will surely
be transformed into a new Japan and the old China into a new China, and people
and everything else in both China and Japan will be transformed during and after
the war.
"On Protracted War" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 131.*
Every
Communist must grasp the truth, "Political power grows out of the barrel of
a gun."
"Problems of War and Strategy" (November 6, 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 224.
The
seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of the issue by war, is the
central task and the highest form of revolution. This Marxist-Leninist principle
of revolution holds good universally, for China and for all other countries.
Ibid., p. 219.
Without
armed struggle neither the proletariat, nor the people, nor the Communist Party
would have any standing at all in China and it would be impossible for the revolution
to triumph. In these years [the eighteen years since the founding of the Party]
the development, consolidation and bolshevization of our Party have proceeded
in the midst of revolutionary wars; without armed struggle the Communist Party
would assuredly not be what it is today. Comrades throughout the Party must
never forget this experience for which we have paid in blood.
"Introducing The Communist" (October 4, 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 292.*
According
to the Marxist theory of the state, the army is the chief component of state
power. Whoever wants to seize and retain state power must have a strong army.
Some people ridicule us as advocates of the "omnipotence of war". Yes, we are
advocates of the omnipotence of revolutionary war; that is good, not bad, it
is Marxist. The guns of the Russian Communist Party created socialism. We shall
create a democratic republic. Experience in the class struggle in the era of
imperialism teaches us that it is only by the power of the gun that the working
class and the labouring masses can defeat the armed bourgeoisie and landlords;
in this sense we may say that only with guns can the whole world be transformed.
"Problems of War and Strategy" (November 6, 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 225.
We
are advocates of the abolition of war, we do not want war; but war can only
be abolished through war, and in order to get rid of the gun it is necessary
to take up the gun.
Ibid.
War,
this monster of mutual slaughter among men, will be finally eliminated by the
progress of human society, and in the not too distant future too. But there
is only one way to eliminate it and that is to oppose war with war, to oppose
counterrevolutionary war with revolutionary war, to oppose national counter-revolutionary
war with national revolutionary war, and to oppose counter-revolutionary class
war with revolutionary class war.... When human society advances to the point
where classes and states are eliminated, there will be no more wars, counter-revolutionary
or revolutionary, unjust or just; that will be the era of perpetual peace for
mankind. Our study of the laws of revolutionary war springs from the desire
to eliminate all wars; herein lies the distinction between us Communists and
all the exploiting classes.
"Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War" (December 1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 182-83.
Our
country and all the other socialist countries want peace; so do the peoples
of all the countries of the world. The only ones who crave war and do not want
peace are certain monopoly capitalist groups in a handful of imperialist countries
which depend on aggression for their profits.
"Opening Address at the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China" (September 15, 1956).
To
achieve a lasting world peace, we must further develop our friendship and co-operation
with the fraternal countries in the socialist camp and strengthen our solidarity
with all peace-loving countries. We must endeavour to establish normal diplomatic
relations, on the basis of mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty
and of equality and mutual beneht, with all countries willing to live together
with us in peace. We must give active support to the national independence and
liberation move,ment in countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America as well
as to the peace movement and to just struggles in all the countries of the world.
Ibid.
As
for the imperialist countries, we should unite with their peoples and strive
to coexist peacefully with those countries, do business with them and prevent
any possible war, but under no circumstances should we harbour any unrealistic
notions about them.
On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 75.
We
desire peace. However, if imperialism insists on hghting a war, we will have
no alternative but to take the hrm resolution to hght to the hnish before going
ahead with our construction. If you are afraid of war day in day out, what will
you do if war eventually comes? First I said that the East Wind is prevailing
over the West Wind and war will not break out, and now I have added these explanations
about the situation in case war should break out. Both possibilities have thus
been taken into account.
Speech at the Moscow Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (November 18, 1957), quoted in "Statement by the Spokesman of the Chinese Government" (September 1, 1963).*
People
all over the world are now discussing whether or not a third world war will
break out. On this question, too, we must be mentally prepared and do some analysis.
We stand firmly for peace and against war. But if the imperialists insist on
unleashing another war, we should not be afraid of it. Our attitude on this
question is the same as our attitude towards any disturbance: first, we are
against it; second, we are not afraid of it. The First World War was followed
by the birth of the Soviet Union with a population of 200 million. The Second
World War was followed by the emergence of the socialist camp with a combined
population of 900 million. If the imperialists insist on launching a third world
war, it is certain that several hundred million more will turn to socialism,
and then there will not be much room left on earth for the imperialists; it
is also likely that the whole structure of imperialism will utterly collapse.
On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 67-68.
Make
trouble, fail, make trouble again, fail again . . . till their doom- that is
the logic of the imperialists and all reactionaries the world over in dealing
with the people's cause, and they will never go against this logic. This is
a Marxist law. When we say "imperialism is ferocious", we mean that its nature
will never change, that the imperialists will never lay down their butcher knives,
that they will never become Buddhas, till their doom.
Fight, fail, fight again, fail again, fight again . . . till their victory; that is the logic of the people, and they too will never go against this logic. This is another Marxist law. The Russian people's revolution followed this law, and so has the Chinese people's revolution.
"Cast Away Illusions, Prepare for Struggle" (August 14, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 428.
Just
because we have won victory, we must never relax our vigilance against the frenzied
plots for revenge by the imperialists and their running dogs. Whoever relaxes
vigilance will disarm himself politically and land himself in a passive position.
"Address to the Preparatory Committee of the New Political Consultative Conference" (June 15, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 407.
The
imperialists and their running dogs, the Chinese reactionaries, will not resign
themselves to defeat in this land of China. They will continue to gang up against
the Chinese people in every possible way. For example, they will smuggle their
agents into China to sow dissension and make trouble. That is certain; they
will never neglect these activities. To take another example, the imperialists
will incite the Chinese reactionaries, and even throw in their own forces, to
blockade China's ports. They will do this as long as it is possible. Furthermore,
if they still hanker after adventures, they will send some of their troops to
invade and harass China's frontiers; this, too, is not impossible. All this
we must take fully into account.
Ibid.*
The
world is progressing, the future is bright and no one can change this general
trend of history. We should carry on constant propaganda among the people on
the facts of world progress and the bright future ahead so that they will build
their confidence in victory.
"On the Chungking Negotiations" (October 17, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV. p. 59.
The
commanders and fighters of the entire Chinese People's Liberation Army absolutely
must not relax in the least their will to fight; any thinking that relaxes the
will to fight and belittles the enemy is wrong.
"Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" (March 5, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 361.
6. IMPERIALISM AND ALL REACTIONARIES ARE PAPER TIGERS
All reactionaries are paper tigers. In appearance, the reactionaries are terrifying, but in reality they are not so powerful. From a long-term point of view, it is not the reactionaries but the people who are really powerful.
"Talk with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong" (August 1946), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 100.
Just
as there is not a single thing in the world without a dual nature (this is the
law of the unity of opposites), so imperialism and all reactionaries have a
dual nature - they are real tigers and paper tigers at the same time. In past
history, before they won state power and for some time afterwards, the slave-owning
class, the feudal landlord class and the bourgeoisie were vigorous, revolutionary
and progressive; they were real tigers. But with the lapse of time, because
their opposites - the slave class, the peasant class and the proletariat - grew
in strength step by step, struggled against them more and more fiercely, these
ruling classes changed step by step into the reverse, changed into reactionaries,
changed into backward people, changed into paper tigers. And eventually they
were overthrown, or will be overthrown, by the people. The reactionary, backward,
decaying classes retained this dual nature even in their last life-and-death
struggles against the people. On the one hand, they were real tigers; they devoured
people, devoured people by the millions and tens of millions. The cause of the
people's struggle went through a period of difficulties and hardships, and along
the path there were many twists and turns. To destroy the rule of imperialism,
feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism in China took the Chinese people more than
a hundred years and cost them tens of millions of lives before the victory in
1949. Look! Were these not living tigers, iron tigers, real tigers? But in the
end they changed into paper tigers, dead tigers, bean-curd tigers. These are
historical facts. Have people not seen or heard about these facts? There have
indeed been thousands and tens of thousands of them ! Thousands and tens of
thousands ! Hence, imperialism and all reactionaries, looked at in essence,
from a long-term point of view, frorm a strategic point of view, must be seen
for what they are - paper tigers. On this we should build our strategic thinking.
On the other hand, they are also living tigers, iron tigers, real tigers which
can devour people. On this we should build our tactical thinking.
Speech at the Wuchang Meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (December 1, 1958), quoted in the explanatory note to "Talk with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong", Selected Works, Vol. IV, pp. 98-99.*
I
have said that all the reputedly powerful reactionaries are merely paper tigers.
The reason is that they are divorced from the people. Look! Was not Hitler a
paper tiger? Was Hitler not overthrown? I also said that the tsar of Russia,
the emperor of China and Japanese imperialism were all paper tigers. As we know,
they were all overthrown. U.S. imperialism has not yet been overthrown and it
has the atom bomb. I believe it also will be overthrown. It, too, is a paper
tiger.
Speech at the Moscow Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (November 18, 1957).
"Lifting
a rock only to drop it on one's own feet" is a Chinese folk saying to describe
the behaviour of certain fools. The reactionaries in all countries are fools
of this kind. In the final analysis, their persecution of the revolutionary
people only serves to accelerate the people's revolutions on a broader and more
intense scale. Did not the persecution of the revolutionary people by the tsar
of Russia and by Chiang Kai-shek perform this function in the great Russian
and Chinese revolutions?
"Speech at the Meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. in Celebration of the 40th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution" (November 6, 1957).
U.S.
imperialism invaded China's territory of Taiwan and has occupied it for the
past nine years. A short while ago it sent its armed forces to invade and occupy
Lebanon. The United States has set up hundreds of military bases in many countries
all over the world. China's territory of Taiwan, Lebanon and all military bases
of the United States on foreign soil are so many nooses round the neck of U.S.
imperialism. The nooses have been fashioned by the Americans themselves and
by nobody else, and it is they themselves who have put these nooses round their
own necks, handing the ends of the ropes to the Chinese people, the peoples
of the Arab countries and all the peoples of the world who love peace and oppose
aggression. The longer the U.S. aggressors remain in those places, the tighter
the nooses round their necks will become.
Speech at the Supreme State Conference (September 8, 1958).
Imperialism
will not last long because it always does evil things. It persists in grooming
and supporting reactionaries in all countries who are against the people, it
has forcibly seized many colonies and semi-colonies and many military bases,
and it threatens the peace with atomic war. Thus, forced by imperialism to do
so, more than 90 per cent of the people of the world are rising or will rise
up in struggle against it. Yet imperialism is still alive, still running amuck
in Asia, Africa and Latin America. In the West imperialism is still oppressing
the people at home. This situation must change. It is the task of the people
of the whole world to put an end to the aggression and oppression perpetrated
by imperialism, and chiefly by U.S. imperialism.
Interview with a Hsinhua News Agency correspondent (September 29, 1958).
Riding
roughshod everywhere, U.S. imperialism has made itself the enemy of the people
of the world and has increasingly isolated itself. Those who refuse to be enslaved
will never be cowed by the atom bombs and hydrogen bombs in the hands of the
U.S. imperialists. The raging tide of the people of the world against the U.S.
aggressors is irresistible. Their struggle against U.S. imperialism and its
lackeys will assuredly win still greater victories.
"Statement Supporting the Panamanian People's Just Patriotic Struggle Against U.S. Imperialism" (January 12, 1964), People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., pp. 9-10.
If
the U.S. monopoly capitalist groups persist in pushing their policies of aggression
and war, the day is bound to come when they will be hanged by the people of
the whole world. The same fate awaits the accomplices of the United States.
Speech at the Supreme State Conference (September 8, 1958).
Over
a long period we have developed this concept for the struggle against the enemy:
strategically we should despise all our enemies, but tactically we should take
them all seriously. This also means that we must despise the enemy with respect
to the whole, but that we must take him seriously with respect to each and every
concrete question. If we do not despise the enemy with respect to the whole,
we shall be committing the error of opportunism. Marx and Engels were only two
individuals, and yet in those early days they already declared that capitalism
would be overthrown throughout the world. But in dealing with concrete problems
and particular enemies we shall be committing the error of adventurism unless
we take them seriously. In war, battles can only be fought one by one and the
enemy forces can only be destroyed one by one. Factories can only be built one
by one. The peasants can only plough the land plot by plot. The same is even
true of eating a meal. Strategically, we take the eating of a meal lightly -
we know we can finish it. But actually we eat it mouthful by mouthful. It is
impossible to swallow an entire banquet in one gulp. This is known as a piecemeal
solution. In military parlance, it is called wiping out the enemy forces one
by one.
Speech at the Moscow Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (November 18, 1957).
It
is my opinion that the international situation has now reached a new turning
point. There are two winds in the world today, the East Wind and the West Wind.
There is a Chinese saying, "Either the East Wind prevails over the West Wind
or the West Wind prevails over the East Wind." I believe it is characteristic
of the situation today that the East Wind is prevailing over the West Wind.
That is to say, the forces of socialism have become overwhelmingly superior
to the forces of imperialism.
Ibid.
7. DARE TO STRUGGLE AND DARE TO WIN
People of the world, unite and defeat the U.S. aggressors and all their running dogs! People of the world, be courageous, dare to fight, defy difficulties and advance wave upon wave. Then the whole world will belong to the people. Monsters of all kinds shall be destroyed.
"Statement Supporting the People of the Congo (L.) Against U.S. Aggression" (November 28, 1964), People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., p. 14.
The
Communist Party of China, having made a clear-headed appraisal of the international
and domestic situation on the basis of the science of Marxism-Leninism, recognized
that all attacks by the reactionaries at home and abroad had to be defeated
and could be defeated. When dark clouds appeared in the sky, we pointed out
that they were only temporary, that the darkness would soon pass and the sun
break through.
"The Present Situation and Our Tasks" (December 25, 1947), Selected Military Writings, 2nd ed., p. 347.
Historically,
all reactionary forces on the verge of extinction invariably conduct a last
desperate struggle against the revolutionary forces, and some revolutionaries
are apt to be deluded for a time by this phenomenon of outward strength but
inner weakness failing to grasp the essential fact that the enemy is nearing
extinction while they themselves are approaching victory.
"The Turning Point in World War II" (October 12, 1942), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 103.
If
they [the Kuomintang] fight, we will wipe them out completely. This is the way
things are: if they attack and we wipe them out, they will havc that satisfaction;
wipe out some, some satisfaction; wipe out more, more satisfaction; wipe out
the whole lot, complete satisfaction. China's problems are complicated, and
our brains must also be a little complicated. If they start fighting, we fight
back, fight to win peace.
"On the Chungking Negotiations" (October 17, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 56.
If
anyone attacks us and if the conditions are favourable for battle, we will certainly
act in self-defence to wipe him out resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely
(we do not strike rashly, but when we do strike, we must win). We must never
be cowed by the bluster of reactionaries.
"On Peace Negotiations with the Kuomintang - Circular of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" (August 26, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 49*
As
far as our own desire is concerned, we don't want to fight even for a single
day. But if circumstances force us to fight, we can fight to the finish.
"Talk with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong" (August 1946), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 97.
We
are for peace. But so long as U.S. imperialism refuses to give up its arrogant
and unreasonable demands and its scheme to extend aggression, the only course
for the Chinese people is to remain determined to go on fighting side by side
with the Korean people. Not that we are warlike. We are willing to stop the
war at once and leave the remaining questions for later settlement. But U.S.
imperialism is not willing to do so. All right then, let the fighting go on.
However many years U.S. imperialism wants to fight, we are ready to fight right
up to the moment when it is willing to stop, right up to the moment of complete
victory for the Chinese and Korean peoples.
Speech at the Pourth Session of the First National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (February 7, 1953).
We
shouid rid our ranks of all impotent thinking. All views that overestimate the
strength of the enemy and underestimate the strength of the people are wrong.
"The Present Situation and Our Tasks" (December 25, 1947), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 173.
The oppressed peoples and nations must not pin their hopes for liberation on
the "sensibleness" of imperialism and its lackeys. They will only triumph by
strengthening their unity and persevering in their struggle.
"Statement Opposing Aggression Against Southern Vietnam and Slaughter of Its People by the U.S.-Ngo Dinh Diem Clique" (August 29, 1963), People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., p. 6.
No
matter when this country-wide civil war breaks out, we must be well prepared.
If it comes early, say, tomorrow morning, we should also be prepared. That is
point one. In the present international and domestic situation it is possible
that for a time the civil war may be kept restricted in scale and localized.
That is point two. Point one is what we should prepare for, point two is what
has existed for a long time. In short, we must be prepared. Being prepared,
we shall be able to deal properly with all kinds of complicated situations.
"The Situation and Our Policy After the Victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan" (August 13, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 22.
The revolutionary war is a war of the masses; it can be waged only by mobilizing the masses and relying on them.
"Be Concerned with the Well-Being of the Masses, Pay Attention to Methods of Work" (January 27, 1934), Selected Works, Vol. I. p. 147.*
What
is a true bastion of iron? It is the masses, the millions upon millions of people
who genuinely and sincerely support the revolution. That is the real iron bastion
which it is impossible, and absolutely impossible, for any force on earth to
smash. The counter-revolution cannot smash us; on the contrary, we shall smash
it. Rallying millions upon millions of people round the revolutionary government
and expanding our revolutionary war, we shall wipe out all counter-revolution
and take over the whole of China.
Ibid., p. 150.*
The
richest source of power to wage war lies in the masses of the people. It is
mainly because of the unorganized state of the Chinese masses that Japan dares
to bully us. When this defect is remedied, then the Japanese aggressor, like
a mad bull crashing into a ring of flames, will be surrounded by hundreds of
millions of our people standing upright, the mere sound of their voices will
strike terror into him, and he will be burned to death.
"On Protracted War" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 186.
The imperialists are bullying us in such a way that we will have to deal with
them seriously. Not only must we have a powerful regular army, we must also
organize contingents of the people's militia on a big scale. This will make
it difficult for the imperialists to move a single inch in our country in the
event of invasion.
Interview with a Hsinhua News Agency correspondent (September 29, 1958).
Considering
the revolutionary war as a whole, the operations of the people's guerrillas
and those of the main forces of the Red Army complement each other like a man's
right arm and left arm, and if we had only the main forces of the Red Army without
the people's guerrillas, we would be like a warrior with only one arm. In concrete
terms, and especially with regard to military operations, when we talk of the
people in the base area as a factor, we mean that we have an armed people. That
is the main reason why the enemy is afraid to approach our base area.
"Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War" (December 1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 238.
Unquestionably,
victory or defeat in war is determined mainly by the military, political, economic
and natural conditions on both sides. But not by these alone. It is also determined
by each side's subjective ability in directing the war. In his endeavour to
win a war, a military strategist cannot overstep the limitations imposed by
the material conditions; within these limitations, however, he can and must
strive for victory. The stage of action for a military strategist is built upon
objective material conditions, but on that stage he can direct the performance
of many a drama, full of sound and colour, power and grandeur.
Ibid., pp. 190-91.*
The
object of war is specifically "to preserve oneself and destroy the enemy" (to
destroy the enemy means to disarm him or "deprive him of the power to resist",
and does not mean to destroy every member of his forces physically). In ancient
warfare, the spear and the shield were used, the spear to attack and destroy
the enemy, and the shield to defend and preserve oneself. To the present day,
all weapons are still an extension of the spear and the shield. The bomber,
the machine-gun, the longrange gun and poison gas are developments of the spear,
while the air-raid shelter, the steel helmet, the concrete fortification and
the gas mask are developrnents of the shield. The tank is a new weapon combining
the functions of both spear and shield. Attack is the chief means of destroying
the enemy, but defence cannot be dispensed with. In attack the immediate object
is to destroy the enemy, but at the same time it is self-preservation, because
if the enemy is not destroyed, you will be destroyed. In defence the immediate
object is to preserve yourself, but at the same time defence is a means of supplementing
attack or preparing to go over to the attack. Retreat is in the category of
defence and is a continuation of defence, while pursuit is a continuation of
attack. It should be pointed out that destruction of the enemy is the primary
object of war and self-preservation the secondary, because onlv by destroying
the enemy in large numbers can one effectively preserve oneself. Therefore attack,
the chief means of destroying the enemy, is primary, while defence, a supplementary
means of destroying the enemy and a means of self-preservation, is secondary.
In actual warfare the chief role is played by defence much of the time and by
attack for the rest of the time, but if war is taken as a whole, attack remains
primary.
"On Protracted War" (May 1938). Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 156.
All
the guiding principles of military operations grow out of the one basic principle:
to strive to the utmost to preserve one's own strength and destroy that of the
enemy.... How then do we justify the encouragement of heroic sacrifice in war?
Every war exacts a price, sometimes an extremely high one. Is this not in contradiction
with "preserving oneself"? In fact, there is no contradiction at all; to put
it more exactly, sacrifice and self-preservation are both opposite and complementary
to each other. For such sacrifice is essential not only for destroying the enemy
but also for preserving oneself - partial and temporary "non-preservation" (sacrihce,
or paying the price) is necessary for the sake of general and permanent preservation.
From this basic principle stems the series of principles guiding military operations,
all of which - from the principles of shooting (taking cover to preserve oneself,
and making full use of fire-power to destroy the enemy) to the principles of
strategy - are permeated with the spirit of this basic principle. All technical
principles and all principles concerning tactics, campaigns and strategy represent
applications of this basic principle. The principle of preserving oneself and
destroying the enemy is the basis of all military principles.
"Problems of Strategy in Guerrilla War Against Japan" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 81-82.*
Our
principles of operation are:
(1) Attack dispersed, isolated enemy forces first; attack concentrated, strong enemy forces later.
(2) Take small and medium cities and extensive rural areas first; take big cities later.
(3) Make wiping out the enemy's effective strength our main objective; do not make holding or seizing a city or place our main objective. Holding or seizing a city or place is the outcome of wiping out the enemy's effective strength, and often a city or place can be held or seized for good only after it has changed hands a number of times.
(4) In every battle, concentrate an absolutely superior force (two, three, four and sometimes even five or six times the enemy's strength), encircle the enemy forces completely, strive to wipe them out thoroughly and do not let any escape from the net. In special circumstances, use the method of dealing the enemy crushing blows, that is, concentrate all our strength to make a frontal attack and an attack on one or both of his flanks, with the aim of wiping out one part and routing another so that our army can swiftly move its troops to smash other enemy forces. Strive to avoid battles of attrition in which we lose more than we gain or only break even. In this way, although inferior as a whole (in terms of numbers), we shall be absolutely superior in every part and every specific campaign, and this ensures victoq in the campaign. As time goes on, we shall become superior as a whole and eventually wipe out all the enemy.
(5) Fight no battle unprepared, fight no battle you are not sure of winning; make every effort to be well prepared for each battle, make every effort to ensure victory in the given set of conditions as between the enemy and ourselves.
(6) Give full play to our style of fighting - courage in battle, no fear of sacrifice, no fear of fatigue, and continuous fighting (that is, fighting successive battles in a short time without rest).
(7) Strive to wipe out the enemy when he is on the move. At the same time, pay attention to the tactics of positional attack and capture enemy fortified points and cities.
(8) With regard to attacking cities, resolutely seize all enemy fortified points and cities which are weakly defended. At opportune moments, seize all enemy fortified points and cities defended with moderate strength, provided circumstances permit. As for all strongly defended enemy fortified points and cities, wait till conditions are ripe and then take them.
(9) Replenish our strength with all the arms and most of the personnel captured from the enemy. Our army's main sources of manpower and materiel are at the front.
(10) Make good use of the intervals between campaigns to rest, train and consolidate our troops. Periods of rest, training and consolidation should not in general be very long, and the enemy should so far as possible be permitted no breathing space.
These are the main methods the People's Liberation Army has employed in defeating Chiang Kai-shek. They are the result of the tempering of the People's Liberation Army in long years of fighting against domestic and foreign enemies and are completely suited to our present situation. . . . our strategy and tactics are based on a people's war; no army opposed to the people can use our strategy and tactics.
"The Present Situation and Our Tasks" (December 25, 1947), Selected Military Writings, 2nd ed., pp. 349-50.*
Without
preparedness superiority is not real superiority and there can be no initiative
either. Having grasped this point, a force which is inferior but prepared can
often defeat a superior enemy by surprise attack.
"On Protracted War" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 165-66.
Without a people's army the people have nothing.
"On Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 296-97.
This
army is powerful because all its members have a conscious discipline; they have
come together and they fight not for the private interests of a few individuals
or a narrow clique, but for the interests of the broad masses and of the whole
nation. The sole purpose of this army is to stand firmly with the Chinese people
and to serve them whole-heartedly.
Ibid., p. 264.*
The
Chinese Red Army is an armed body for carrying out the political tasks of the
revolution. Especially at present, the Red Army should certainly not confine
itself to fighting; besides fighting to destroy the enemy's military strength,
it should shoulder such important tasks as doing propaganda among the masses,
organizing the masses, arming them, helping them to establish revolutionary
political power and setting up Party organizations. The Red Army fights not
merely for the sake of fighting but in order to conduct propaganda among the
masses, organize them, arm them, and help them to establish revolutionary political
power. Without these objectives, fighting loses its meaning and the Red Army
loses the reason for its existence.
"On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party" (December 1929), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 106.*
The
People's Liberation Army is always a fighting force. Even after country-wide
victory, our army will remain a fighting force during the historical period
in which classes have not been abolished in our country and the imperialist
system still exists in the world. On this point there should be no misunderstanding
or wavering.
"Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" (March 5, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 362.
We
have an army for fighting as well as an army for labour. For fighting we have
the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies but even they do a dual job, warfare
and production. With these two kinds of armies, and with a fighting army skilled
in these two tasks and in mass work, we can overcome our difficulties and defeat
Japanese imperialism.
"Get Organized!" (November 29, ), Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 153.
Our
national defence will be consolidated and no imperialist will be allowed to
invade our territory again. Our people's armed forces must be maintained and
developed with the brave and steeled People's Liberation Army as their foundation.
We will have not only a powerful army but also a powerful air force and a powerful
navy.
Opening address at the First Plenary Session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (September 21, 1949).
Our
principle is that the Party commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed
to command the Party.
"Problems of War and Strategy" (November 6, 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 224.
All
our officers and hghters must always bear in mind that we are the great People's
Liberation Army, we are the troops led by the great Communist Party of China.
Provided we constantly observe the directives of the Party, we are sure to win.
"Manifesto of the Chinese People's Liberation Army" (October 1947), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 152.